- Gerard Vanderhaar
Social movements have become a prominent part of politics around the world. Although they may have better chances for success in democratic systems, globalization provides opportunities for groups living under dictatorships to still put pressure on their government. The democratization of communication media has both facilitated individuals finding compatriots with similar interests, as well as allowing movements to spread their message and generate pressure for action. The Internet, in particular, has become a powerful mobilizing tool. Groups utilizing online direct action use such tactics as cyberpetitions, virtual protests, virtual sit-ins, virtual blockades, gripe sites, email bombs, web hacks, and computer viruses. Movements often use the same tactics as they use offline, like petitions, not due to their effectiveness, but because they are familiar.
Scholars have also been interested in examining what factors make movements more successful. "Success" is difficult to define as movement activists often have no consensus on this themselves. Looking at 53 American groups that challenged the status quo between 1800 and 1945, Gamson's The Strategy of Social Protest found that groups were more successful if they were single-issue oriented, used selective incentives, used violence and/or disruptive tactics, and their organization was more bureaucratized, centralized, and unfactionalized. In addition, he finds that exogenous political crises can have significant effects, for good or ill. Recent studies have also turned to consider how the broader environment affects the prospects for social movement success.
Some social movement scholars have decried the discipline's obsession with being scientific at the expense of producing research that is of use to social movement activists. They are interested in "insight into the practices and experiences of organizers, into how collective and personal commitment can be sustained, into relationships between day to day activism and ‘long-range vision', into problems of intra-movement contention, organizational rigidity and democracy, etc." Movement activists are interested in insights from the academic community, but often do not find anything useful.
Much attention has focused on framing and social movements. In particular, many have looked at how social movements can effectively frame issues to bring about change. Injustice frames have been particularly common. In some movements, such as religious, self-help, or identity-based movements, the injustice dimension may be less significant. "Only a handful of collective action frames have been identified as being sufficiently broad in interpretive scope, inclusivity, flexibility, and cultural resonance to function as master frames," namely rights frames, choice frames, injustice frames, environmental justice frames, culturally pluralist frames, sexual terrorism frames, oppositional frames, hegemonic frames, and a "return to Democracy" frame. The movement literature has also examined how movement activists utilize "boundary framing" or "adversarial framing." Research also suggests that social movements' identification of problems and causes restricts the range of solutions and strategies deemed possible by the group. Social movements appear to have little influence over the media organizations which cover themselves or their assertions.
The growing attention to framing has been accompanied by a number of critiques, some focusing on specific conceptual issues with movement framing and others concerning the theoretical relationship between framing and other perspectives. In addition, "[a]lthough the literature is replete with references to and descriptions of counterframing tactics and framing contests, these studies fail to shed much light on the factors that tend to shape the outcomes of such contests, other than stating or implying the tautology that those who won employed the most resonant frames. One thing we do know, however, is that these framing contests occur within complex, multi-organizational---and sometimes multi-institutional---arenas, that movement actors often take this fact into account, and that social movement framing activity and the extent of its resonance are affected by the cultural and political environment, including the framings/counterframings of institutional elites."
Scholars have also paid relatively little attention to diffusion issues. Finally, although different framing processes appear to be significant for movements' attaining their goals, systematic analysis of the actual contribution of framing processes has been rare.
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 See RobertD. Benford &David A. Snow, "FRAMING PROCESSES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: An Overview and Assessment" Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 26: 626.
 For exceptions, see Jenness V. 1995. Social movement growth, domain expansion, and framing processes: the gay/lesbian movement and violence against gays and lesbians as a social problem. Soc. Probl. 42:145--70.; Jenness V, Broad KL. 1994. Antiviolence activism and the (in)visibility of gender in the gay/lesbian and women's movements. Gend. Soc. 8:402--23.; David Strang& Sarah A. Soule 1998 "DIFFUSION IN ORGANIZATIONS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: From Hybrid Corn to Poison Pills" Annual Review of Sociology Vol. 24: 265-290.
 (Giugni 1998, Capek 1993, Diani 1996, Reese 1996, Walsh et al 1993, Zdravomyslova 1996, Zuo & Benford 1995)
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Use the following to cite this article:
Brahm, Eric. "Social Movements." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: July 2006 <http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/social-movements>.