The Necessity of Social Structural Change
Political conflicts involving warring ethno-nationalist groups often spring from breakdowns of old arrangements. This often results in a call for new or revised political constitutions and social structures.
For example, South Africa abandoned its system of racial apartheid in favor of a modified majoritarian constitution. This is a prime example of social structural change.
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Social and political institutions set the context for individual and group behavior and are meant to provide the resources individuals need to survive. How people act and live is shaped in large part by the social structures in which they find themselves.[1] Social justice is, in part, a matter of ensuring that these structures and institutions do in fact satisfy basic human needs.
In some cases, however, a society's social institutions are characterized by exploitation, political exclusion, and unequal access to resources.[2] These structural forces often create a system of winners and losers in which people become trapped in a particular social situation. Structural violence often results, in the form of power inequity, poverty, and the denial of basic human rights.[3] Basic human needs go unmet, and groups suffer from inadequate access to resources and exclusion from institutional patterns of decision-making.[4] Unjust structural forces and divisions also contribute to discrimination, lack of education, and inadequate employment opportunities.[5] An example of this sort of structural violence is the effect of deindustrialization on minority and working-class communities in the United States.[6]
It is unlikely that processes within the system can be effective in dealing with the injustice and inequality that arise out of system fault. Because these processes are designed to support the existing institution, conflicts that stem from unmet human needs may be contained by the existing system but are unlikely to be resolved. There will be protracted conflict until there are changes made to these basic social structures.[7] And in many cases, if social structural changes are not made, eventually change (oftentimes for the worse) will occur by means of violence.[8]
Greg Brown , Program Officer for the International Rescue Committee (IRC), with reference to the Bosnia and Kosovo's Women's Initiatives, discusses how one manages the desire to keep a low profile on joint projects while also facilitating large-scale structural change.
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Since instituting fundamental social structural changes is extremely difficult, these structural and systemic problems are often a main cause of protracted, intractable conflicts. Indeed, any set of institutions and social relationships that deny identity, social recognition, autonomy, or preconditions for human development, creates an environment of conflict.[9] Structural conflict is likely to result whenever patterned social relationships fail to satisfy basic needs or secure vital human interests.[10] Any society that aspires to meet the needs of its citizens, deal with serious social problems and avoid violent conflict must address these issues.[11]
A Prerequisite for Peace
Social structural changes are an integral part of transitioning to peace, as well as addressing the injustice that may have fueled conflict in the first place. Indeed, many note that peacebuilding must involve systemic change that helps create and sustain a new social reality.[12] An integral part of minimizing violent conflict is transforming those structures and dynamics that govern social and political relations, as well as access to power and resources.[13] These sorts of systemic changes typically involve policy or institutional adjustments, as well as the creation of new institutions to meet basic political and socioeconomic needs.[14] These social structural reforms aim to ameliorate some of the conflict's underlying causes and conditions and restructure the system of social relationships that has broken down.[15]
Social structural change is also crucial in preventing further protracted conflict. John Burton wrote of conflict "provention" or the prevention of conflict by removing its underlying causes and creating conditions under which it need not occur.[16] Addressing injustice before it provokes conflict often requires far-reaching changes in the existing structures and institutions of society. Suppose, for example, that research discovered that a major societal problem such as drugs or teenage pregnancy could be prevented by a redistribution of resources and the provision of more rewarding jobs. If such social structural changes were made, this might ensure that all members of society had sufficient opportunities for individual development and social bonding, and thus alleviate the structural conditions that contribute to these social problems.[17]
Mari Fitzduff talks about policies of inclusion in Northern Ireland. Catholics used to be excluded from many parts of society; now they are included, which has greatly helped transform that conflict.
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Types of Social Structural Change
Today, there is much conflict within states, characterized by a general breakdown of government, as well as economic privation and civil strife.[18] Bad governance is a form of injustice that must be corrected. Thus, one very broad type of social structural change is state reform and democratization. State reform must involve more than just reorganization of the administrative system or the system of resource allocation. These social structural changes should contribute to the establishment of participatory nation-building processes by fostering democratic development, nonviolent and just dispute resolution systems, the participation of the population, and rule of law.[19]
In some cases, parties are chiefly concerned with replacing or altering existing legal and political institutions. Reform of government institutions typically involves measures aimed at democratization and increased political participation.[20] Societies strive to develop a "workable political system in which the multiple social groups can participate to their satisfaction."[21] This sort of state reform has the potential to mitigate and heal the effects of violent intrastate conflict, as well as prevent future conflict.
One type of structural change is the strengthening of civil society. Civil society involves various sectors, including the business world, trade unions, women's groups, churches, and human rights activists.[22] In many societies, citizens are alienated from the institutions and practices of governance, and public institutions are unable to solve social problems.[23] Community relationships and civic life either do not exist or have disintegrated. When civil society is absent or inactive, it is a sign of an oppressive regime.
Many think that strengthening community and civil society is one way to address persistent social problems such as destructive injustice, poverty, violence, and environmental degradation.[24] Strong civil society can promote dialogue and reconciliation, foster good governance, and build peace across cultures.[25] It can also foster the values of caring, tolerance, and cooperation, and encourage public discourse and broad participation in the construction of public policy.[26] People who care about community are less likely to participate in mindless development, environmental pollution, and racial and economic segregation.
Various types of structural reform aim to strengthen community and civil society. These measures strive to foster public participation and create institutions of governance that can"become vehicles not just for making and enacting policy decisions but for fostering citizenship."[27] Such measures include forums for meaningful public engagement, real opportunities for community members to communicate with public officials, and other forms of inclusive governance.
Part of political inclusion is power sharing. Social structures that preserve unequal power relationships often deny subordinated groups the opportunity to participate in decision-making processes that affect them. Part of restructuring political systems, therefore, is empowering weaker parties to negotiate solutions to deep-rooted structural problems.[28] In the United States, for example, mediators with the Department of Justice's Community Relations Service work with racial minorities involved in community conflicts with schools and the police. They frequently help the minority group clarify their grievances and successfully raise them with the authorities. Mediation frequently follows, and social structural changes which provide for long term improvements of behavior and relationships is frequently the result.[29] Reallocations of power to the victims of gender, racial, or sexual discrimination and injustice can form part of structural change.[30] Governments and/or international donors can initiate specific programs to politically empower these citizens and increase their political participation.[31]
Some nations seek to accomplish many of these goals through democratization. The establishment of democratic institutions such as political parties, voting mechanisms, and court systems can provide the mechanisms for power sharing and the proper balancing of political and economic power.[32] Strengthening institutions might also involve judicial reform, the institution of free elections and the creation of a permanent human-rights ombudsman's office.[33] These institutions should carry out just and transparent procedures and promote open and participatory democratic processes. Such processes can lead to the transformation of power structures and increased involvement in political debate.
Another general way to reform government and redistribute power is through constitutional reform. This can involve a process of national dialogue, allowing competing perspectives and claims to be aired and incorporated. It can also be part of national education with respect to concepts of government, the concerns of different groups, the development of civil society and citizen responsibility, and norms of human rights and tolerance. All of these features can be incorporated into newly formed constitutions that address power inequities and promote political inclusion.[34] Constitutional reform can help political systems and the institutions within them to evolve in response to demands that reflect human needs. In the South African case, for example, systemic change came in the form of major constitutional reform and reallocations of power.[35] The abandonment of apartheid is a prime example of major social structural change.
In other cases, parties wish to address uneven economic development and transform the system of class and property relations.[36] In the United States, for example, there have been accumulations of racial discrimination, leading to education and skill discrepancies that result in further economic disadvantages. There are also income, property, and other monopolistic accumulations that are difficult to deal with in the absence of major changes to existing institutions.[37] These sorts of systemic problems require structural changes if they are to be truly resolved. Such changes might include reallocations of educational resources, job training, and housing, as well as redistribution of wealth through tax reform.[38]
In addition, states can intervene to promote a more equitable distribution of income, correct financial-market inequities, and prevent monopolistic or oligopolistic control over markets.[39] They can implement policies to advance land and agrarian reform, promote trade and industry, and increase inclusive economic growth.[40] Restructuring the economic system in these ways can help states to address immediate socioeconomic issues while also creating a way forward for broader societal change.
Many argue that reckoning with past abuses and injustice must focus on the victims. Restitution to victims often forms part of post-conflict reconstruction, but can also be crucial well beyond the reconstruction stage. Some social structural changes aim at compensation for past political and economic injustice. For example, many people in Africa and in countries to which black Africans were brought as slaves have called for recognition of the losses they currently suffer as a legacy of past injustices. Some argue that reparations should be made, and in the United States, the issue of compensation for losses suffered by African Americans as a consequence of slavery continues to be a subject of debate.[41]
There is a growing consensus in international law that the state is obligated to provide compensation to victims of serious human rights abuses. Compensation programs can restore land to those displaced by war, provide monetary compensation to dislocated victims and pensions for survivors of those killed, grant educational benefits to minority groups, and provide funds for minority cultural activities.[42] Carrying out these sorts of substantial measures is often an important part of reconciliation, and helps the victims of past injustice to manage the material aspects of their loss.
Social Movements for Structural Change
Many argue that the existence of injustice and oppression in established power structures must be recognized and confronted.[43] If violent conflict and revolution is to be avoided, inequities in political and economic power cannot be ignored. But can parties significantly alter basic social structures without intense mass violence?[44]
Malfunctioning social structures can sometimes be reformed through nonviolent protest and peaceful political mobilization.[45] History provides many examples of political and social movements that aimed to radically change existing political and socioeconomic structures. Many of these structural changes altered the balance of power between social groups, led to increased political participation and corrected systemic forms of injustice.
In the United States, for example, the civil rights struggle led to the establishment of legal procedures and institutions for dealing with discrimination issues in employment and schooling.[46] Though not entirely nonviolent, it was largely so. In the more distant past, the American Revolution successfully reconstructed the North American political system along liberal-democratic lines This led to the construction of a new constitution and established the colonies' political and economic independence from England. Similarly, many anti-colonial independence movements before and since then have sought to replace colonial political institutions with new forms of government responsive to native interests.[47] While many of these have been violent revolutions, many have not, including the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which was a massive political and social change, which came about largely without violence.
Labor management struggles also seek to reform economic structures and change oppressive power relationships between social groups. The American New Deal, for example, used nonviolent methods to alter the balance of economic power between dominant and subordinate classes. The New Deal's labor legislation compelled larger interstate corporations to recognize and bargain with labor unions and banned unfair labor practices.[48] These new labor policies attempted to outlaw the exploitation of the working class and alleviate severe economic inequality.
Both constitutional structural changes as well as the reorganization of a community's socioeconomic system can serve as nonviolent ways to address systemic injustice. Groups need to organize together to form social movements that confront structural problems and the social ills that result from them. Such social movements might develop around the environment, minority rights, women's rights, religious or cultural independence, and a variety of other issues. Many believe that these movements are a key part of nonviolent social structural change, as well as democratic processes in general.[49]
However, it is unclear whether more radical social structural changes can be carried out by peacefully working within the existing system. Some believe that when political and legal forms support unequal power relationships, working within this framework to carry out reform is unlikely to succeed.[50] There is a need for more revolutionary tactics.
Limits of Social Structural Change
Eileen Babbitt describes an Oxfam project in Rwanda that aimed to scale-up interpersonal and local transformation to bring about societal transformation.
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Unfortunately, social structural changes such as power-politics and institutional changes often have limited success in breaking cycles of violence.
Large-scale social structural change is limited, in part, because national and global elite often seek out the most acceptable and efficient means of managing serious social conflict rather than resolving it.[51] Rather than dealing with the total situation in all its complexities, management and containment of symptoms is the most common response.[52] In some cases, this is because the deep-rooted changes required are regarded as politically unacceptable or too costly to pursue. Changes may seem too costly even when the long-term costs of merely managing social problems in the future will turn out to be even higher. Only when reform policies are seen to have significant social payoffs in the long term -- though politically unpalatable in the short term -- can there be radical systemic change.[53]
Through advanced costing procedures, experts can attempt to weigh the costs of refusing to deal with the roots of the problem against the costs of social structural changes. However, the effect that certain social structural changes will actually have is usually uncertain, and given that predictions are not conclusive, decision-makers are often hesitant to enact radical institutional reform.[54]
In most cases, elites tend to initiate changes at the level of more local or peripheral social structures while leaving more central structures intact.[55] Authorities are typically in favor of system and role preservation because they have a vested interest in the status quo. Thus, structures that support the norms and behaviors of dominant social groups will tend to be preserved. Changes that are regarded as a threat to the immediate interests of those who determine economic and social priorities are unlikely to be enacted.[56] Thus, some political and economic structures turn out to be extremely difficult to alter.
In war-torn societies ravaged by conflict, social structural reform will be insufficient to satisfy human needs. When economic and political institutions have been utterly destroyed, they require reconstruction rather than alteration. Furthermore, whether structures need to be fully reconstructed or simply reformed, this is highly costly. In many cases, countries will have to rely on outside humanitarian aid and development assistance in order to create economic and political institutions capable of satisfying human needs.
In addition, any efforts aimed at structural reform must be accompanied by efforts to heal relationships and help individuals deal with psychological trauma. Survivors of war must be rehabilitated psychologically and spiritually, and develop shared meanings so that relationships can be transformed.[57] Social structural change cannot adequately address injustice, put an end to violent conflict and contribute to peacebuilding unless this human dimension receives significant attention as well.
[1] E. Franklin Dukes, "Structural Forces in Conflict and Conflict Resolution in Democratic Society," in Conflict Resolution: Dynamics, Process, and Structure, ed. Ho-Won Jeong. (Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Co., 1999), 159.
[2] Patricia Ardon, Post-War Reconstruction in Central America: Lessons from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua. (Oxford: Oxfam GB, 1999), 9.
[3] Dukes, op. cit. 157.
[4] John Paul Lederach, Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies. (Washington, D.C., United States Institute of Peace, 1997), 83.
[5] Dukes, op. cit. 168.
[6] Richard E. Rubenstein, "Conflict Resolution and the Structural Sources of Conflict," in Conflict Resolution: Dynamics, Process, and Structure, ed. Ho-Won Jeong. (Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Co., 1999), 173.
[7] Burton, John. Conflict: Resolution and Provention. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), 247.
[8] Ibid., 250.
[9] Ibid., 235.
[10] Rubenstein, op. cit., 173.
[11] Dukes, op. cit., 162.
[12] Lederach, op. cit., 118.
[13] Ardon, op. cit., 10.
[14] Burton, op. cit., 229.
[15] Rubenstein, op. cit., 175.
[16] Burton, op. cit., 233.
[17] Ibid., 237.
[18] Gunther Bachler, "Conflict Transformation Through State Reform" Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management, 2. Available at: http://www.berghof-handbook.net/articles/baechler_handbook.pdf
[19] Ibid., 1.
[20] Lederach, op. cit., 83.
[21] Lumsden, op. cit., 139.
[22] Bachler, op. cit., 4.
[23] Dukes, op. cit., 161.
[24] Ibid., 162.
[25] Bachler, op. cit., 4.
[26] Dukes, op. cit., 163.
[27] Ibid., 164.
[28] Rubenstein, op. cit., 181.
[29] For example, mediator Will Reed talked about indicators of success of his work: "You're looking at trying to come up with real, lasting solutions. I got the agency's award for being able to mediate long-lasting systemic changes in civil rights cases and it was simply because with most of the places and cities I went into, I didn't go in with the idea of just resolving the situation. I sought and I tried to teach others, the ones that I had to work with and supervise, to look for systemic change. If you want to look at a mediation and say that you're a mediator, and want to point back to some of your work years later, well the idea is to shoot for systemic change that's going to be lasting, that's going to have some carry-over value in it....I have one [bi-racial government-citizen] committee that is still in existence and has been for 22 years. (Will Reed, Civil Rights Mediator Oral History Project, Conflict Research Consortium, University of Colorado. http://www.colorado.edu/conflict/civil_rights/interviews/Will_Reed.html#D27001. Accessed July 03, 2003.)
[30] Dukes, op. cit., 160.
[31] Bachler, op. cit., 4.
[32] Ibid., 5.
[33] James K. Boyce, "El Salvador's Adjustment Toward Peace: An Introduction," in Economic Policy for Building Peace: The Lessons of El Salvador, ed. James K. Boyce, (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1996), 13.
[34] Neil J. Kritz, "The Rule of Law in the Post-Conflict Phase: Building a Stable Peace," In Managing Global Chaos: Sources or and Responses to International Conflict, eds. Chester A. Crocker and Fen Osler Hampson with Pamela Aall. (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996), 600.
[35] Burton, op. cit., 248.
[36] Rubenstein, op. cit., 183.
[37] Burton, op. cit., 249.
[38] Ibid., 248.
[39] Boyce, op. cit., 9.
[40] Ibid., 10.
[41] Louis Kriesberg. Constructive Conflicts: From Escalation to Resolution, 2nd edition. (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), 331.
[42] Kritz, op. cit., 599.
[43] Dukes, op. cit., 167.
[44] Rubenstein, op. cit., 187.
[45] Ibid., 182.
[46] Kriesberg, op. cit., 380.
[47] Rubenstein, op. cit., 184.
[48] Ibid., 185.
[49] Dukes, op. cit., 169.
[50] Rubenstein, op. cit., 186.
[51] Ibid., 176.
[52] Burton, op. cit., 244.
[53] Ibid., 249.
[54] Ibid., 238.
[55] Rubenstein, op. cit., 176.
[56] Burton, op. cit., 237.
[57] Lumsden, op. cit., 137.
Use the following to cite this article:
Maiese, Michelle. "Social Structural Change." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Research Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: July 2003 <http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/social_structural_changes/>.
Sources of Additional, In-depth Information on this Topic
Additional Explanations of the Underlying Concepts:
Online (Web) Sources
Bachler, Gunther. "Conflict Transformation through State Reform."
http://www.berghof-handbook.net/articles/baechler_handbook.pdf.
This chapter discusses state reform-oriented conflict transformation. Especially for fragile states in war-torn areas, state reform is a prerequisite for civilian conflict resolution, democratic development and active involvement of the population in efforts to establish at least some 'islands' of security.
Social, Economic and Political Change.
Available at: http://gsociology.icaap.org/.
The basic question of interest is "Why does society develop the way that it does?" How did the various political systems develop, how do different customs and social systems come about. Some specific topics include: what is globalization and how is it happening, why did industrialization first occur in Europe, how far will democratization spread and in what forms.
This site is our attempt to study those questions. We present information that looks at long term, large scale changes in social, political and economic systems at the national and international levels. This site presents links to sites with theories, approaches, data and research. The principal aim is to present information that can be used to explain historical change, growth and development.
Offline (Print) Sources
Lumsden, Malvern. "Breaking the Cycle of Violence: Three Zones of Social Reconstruction." In Conflict Resolution: Dynamics, Process, and Structure. Edited by Jeong, Ho-Won, ed. Vermont: Ashgate Publishing, 1999.
The author argues that power-politics and institutional approaches to stopping cycles of violence in war-torn societies must be complemented by three zones of social reconstruction. First, societies must deal with maladaptive social and political systems. Second, societies must reconstruct a sense of community and promote reconciliation. Third, they must develop a rich cultural life as a transitional zone. While the social, economic, and political reconstruction associated with the first zone is crucial, it must be accompanied by increased community and cultural activities if it is to succeed.
Lederach, John Paul. Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, December 1997.
Marrying wisdom, insight, and passion, Lederach explains
why we need to move beyond "traditional" diplomacy, which often emphasizes top-level leaders and short-term objectives,
toward a holistic approach that stresses the multiplicity of
peacemakers, long-term perspectives, and the need to create an infrastructure that empowers resources within a society and maximizes contributions from outside. Click here for more info.
Rubenstein, Richard E. "Conflict Resolution and the Structural Sources of Conflict." In Conflict Resolution: Dynamics, Process, and Structure. Edited by Jeong, Ho-Won, ed. Vermont: Ashgate Publishing, 1999.
When social structures fail to satisfy basic needs or secure vital interests, conflict is likely to result. Thus, structural conflict is often the product of a breakdown in patterned social relationships. A crucial aspect of resolving these conflicts is structural change. The author discusses both legal-political and socioeconomic structural changes that aim to transform the system of power, class, and property relations. Rubenstein also addresses the issue of whether revolutionary system changes are possible without mass violence.
Burton, John W. Conflict: Resolution and Provention. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, Inc., July 1990.
The author suggests that protracted conflict often arises out of unmet human needs. Conflict provention seeks to address the underlying systemic causes of conflict rather than merely dealing with its symptoms. It suggests that the best way to deal with serious social problems is to alter the structures of the social environments that give rise to these problems. Click here for more info.
Kriesberg, Louis. Constructive Conflicts: From Escalation to Resolution, 2nd Edition. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, November 2002.
This volume discusses the catalysts and phases of conflict as well as the processes of conflict resolution. It identifies the complexities of constructive conflicts and outlines case studies of intractable conflict moving towards resolution.
Dukes, E. Frank. "Structural Forces in Conflict and Conflict Resolution in Democratic Society." In Conflict Resolution: Dynamics, Process, and Structure. Edited by Jeong, Ho-Won, ed. Vermont: Ashgate Publishing, 1999.
Dukes discusses conflict as a structural phenomena and suggests that "stuctural" violence often contributes to protracted conflict. He suggests that the disintegration of community and civic life, citizen alienation from governance, and the inability of public institutions to solve public problems are prime sources of contemporary social problems. The conflict resolution and peace building fields, as well as nonviolent social movements, must confront these key structural issues.
Kritz, Neil J. "The Rule of Law in the Post-Conflict Phase: Building a Stable Peace." In Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Washington, D.C.: USIP Press, 1996.
The author discusses some of the structural and procedural elements essential to the functioning of the rule of law, including an independent judiciary, a law enforcement system, and a freely elected representative government. Reckoning with war crimes and other past abuses is also central to maintaining rule of law, and criminals must be held accountable for their actions. In some cases, this will involve removing government officials from their positions of power and instituting a new government. Compensation and restitution are also crucial, as well as constitutional reform and the establishment of new legal entities to deal with justice issues in the post-conflict phase.
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Examples Illustrating this Topic:
Online (Web) Sources
Prado, Tania Palencia. "Advocates and Guarantors: Establishing Participative Democracy in Post-war Guatemala." ACCORD, Vol. 2 , 1997
Available at: Click here for more info.
Scroll down the page and click on "Advocates and Guarantors: Establishing Participative Democracy in Post-war Guatemala." This article examines the non-consensual nature of procedures adopted to finalize the agreed upon peace accords in the mid-1990's in Guatemala. The central concerns of the peace accords include the need to transform existing relations between the state and society so that political institutions are capable, for the first time, of mediating the interests of all social groups in a poor, unequal, multi-ethnic, and multilingual Guatemala. However, this article questions the ability and potency of multiple levels of the peace accords, to actually establish a participative democracy in Guatemala.
Binayak, Ray. "Good Governance, Administrative Reform and Socioeconomic Realities: A South Pacific Perspective." , 1900
Available at: Click here for more info.
This paper examines governance and administrative reform issues in twelve South Pacific Island countries, and concludes that to be effective, reform measures must specifically relate to the country's geography, history, society and economy. The reforms discussed include economic safety nets, policies that establish a clear separation between public and private interests, and predictable law and government institutions.
Murga, Gustavo Palma. "Promised the Earth: Agrarian Reform in the Guatemalan Socio-Economic Agreement." , 1997
Available at: http://www.c-r.org/our-work/accord/guatemala/promised-earth.php.
Scroll most of the way down the page to this article. It examines economic justice in Guatemala, and focuses on land distribution and how it has impacted indigenous populations and agriculturalists. It also examines the effectiveness and long-term potentials associated with Guatemala's recent socio-economic reforms.
Payin, Emil. "Settlement of Ethnic Conflicts in Post-Soviet Society." In Ethnicity and Power in the Contemporary World. The United Nations University, 1996.
http://www.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/uu12ee/uu12ee09.htm.
This article focuses on types of inter-ethnic conflict and their distribution. The Soviet Union's rapid and unprecedented disintegration is, in the author's view, a contributing factor to mounting ethnic tensions brought to a head by plummeting living standards. The establishment of authoritarian-nationalist regimes has further inflamed nationalist passions and led to conflicts, which interact with each other and have a cumulative affect. The author presents a scale of ethno-political stability based on three types of factors: potential conflicts based on the historical and cultural alienation of ethnic communities; conflict of ideas (ranging from nationalistic statements in the press to violent demonstrations); and conflict of action - sporadic clashes or prolonged armed conflict. He suggests that the prevention of ethnic conflicts ultimately requires radical socio-economic and political reforms, plus an ethnic conflict prevention system.
Offline (Print) Sources
Ottaway, Marina. Africa's New Leaders: Democracy or State Reconstruction?. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, January 1, 2000.
"This book's starting assumption is that democracy is always desirable, but may not always be possible in the short and medium run. The road to democracy thus may not initially be democratic. In this perspective, the author examines the experience of a small number of African countries (Uganda, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo) which under the guidance of energetic new leaders have turned the corner away from conflict and economic disintegration and are now pursuing economic and political reform and assertive foreign policies that have made them into important regional players." - Editorial Reviews
Strohmeyer, Hansjorg. "Collapse and Reconstruction of a Judicial System." American Journal of International Law 95:1, January 1, 2001.
This paper discusses the reconstruction of the judicial system in Kosovo and East Timor following the wide-scale "ethnic cleansing." After these events, the United Nations was empowered with virtually all legislative and executive authority in Kosovo and East Timor, as well as responsibility for administration of justice. Part of this was reconstructing various institutions of the public sector, including both political and economic infrastructure. Hansjorg argues that the failure to address past and ongoing violations can thwart all of these broader objectives. Structural reform of the judicial system is necessary to make sure that it is capable of carrying out its central functions. These include arrests, detentions, investigations, and fair trials.
Boyce, James K. "El Salvador's Adjustment Toward Peace: An Introduction." In Economic Policy for Building Peace: The Lessons of El Salvador. Edited by Boyce, James K., ed. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, June 1996.
This introduction analyzes the tensions between economic policy and peace building in El Salvador and draws lessons for post conflict transitions elsewhere. Economic policy during a postwar adjustment toward peace confronts special challenges. Short-term policy must promote not only macroeconomic, but also political stabilization, mobilizing resources and political will for immediate needs. Long-term policy must aim to achieve not only macroeconomic balance, but also equity, or balance in the distribution of income and wealth; balanced investment in human, natural, and physical capital; and democratization in the broad sense of a more balanced distribution of power.
Kinsey, Bill. "Land Reform, Growth, and Equity: Emerging Evidence From Zimbabwe's Resettlement Program." Journal of Southern African Studies 25:2, January 1, 1999.
Zimbabwe's resettlement program is nearly twenty years old. The first families were resettled in 1980, just a few months after independence, and the program has to date resettled over 70,000 families, well short of the target of 162,000 set in the early 1980s. A tension exists over where the program goes from here. This paper argues that negative assessments of Zimbabwe's land reform are both premature and have used inappropriate criteria. A long-term perspective is taken, incorporating experience from elsewhere in the region, that suggests that any attempt at comprehensive evaluation of the benefits of resettlement in less than a generation is ill-advised. The focus is not so much the program as a whole but rather the households participating in it. The paper investigates the benefits from resettlement using a set of variables defining income, consumption and welfare at the household level.
Rigby, Andrew. "Peace-Building in the Occupied Territories: The Challenge of Educational Reform." Peace and Change 19:4, October 1, 1994.
"In September 1993 an outlined peace agreement was signed between Israel and the Palestinians. This represented a major step in the peacemaking process between two hostile parties, but since then hopes of progress have plummeted. Whatever the outcome of the current phase, it is clear that some kind of Palestinian political entity must be established if the minimal demands of the Palestinians are to be met. If such a political entity is to survive and the overall peace process toward a final resolution of the conflict is to progress, then a sustained peace-building effort is required. Among many other things, sustained constructive work is necessary to create a new environment within the occupied territories that will deal with the underlying economic, social, cultural, humanitarian, and political problems that, if left unattended, will undermine any negotiated peace agreement. This article addresses one aspect of such a peace-building program: the necessary reconstruction and reform of the primary and secondary educational system within the West Bank and Gaza Strip."
Ardon, Patricia. Post-War Reconstruction in Central America: Lessons from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua. Oxford: Oxfam GB, January 1, 1999.
This study explores the experience of post-war reconstruction in three Central American countries. In the opening chapter, Ardon discusses various approaches to peace building and identifies structural injustice as a significant source of protracted conflict.
McCandless, Erin. "Reconciling Relationships While Pursuing Justice: The Case of Land Redistribution in Zimbabwe." Peace And Change 25:2, April 1, 2000.
The author explores how land redistribution in Zimbabwe has helped to establish constructive intercommunal relationships and build a sustainable peace. This case reveals the critical role that social and economic relationships and structures can play in peacebuilding and reconciliation.
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Audiovisual Materials on this Topic:
Offline (Print) Sources
Nkulelko Means Freedom . Directed and/or Produced by: Hallis, Ron and Ophera Hallis. First Run Icarus Films. 1983.
This film shows how an educational system helped to empower the people of Zimbabwe and thus promote a democratic civil society. Click here for more info.
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