Book Summary of Confronting Past Human Rights Violations: Justice vs. Peace in Times of Transition by Chandra Lekha Sriram
Citation:
Chandra Lekha Sriram, Confronting Past Human Rights Violations: Justice vs. Peace in Times of Transition (New York: Frank Cass, 2004).
This Book Summary written by: Eric Brahm, Conflict Research Consortium
The transitional justice literature has often characterized the choice facing
new governments as a stark dichotomy between pursuing justice and peace.
Pursuing justice risks a destabilizing threat by those threatened with
punishment. Therefore, many argue that justice must be foregone in the interest
of peace. This study begins with the premise that the situation is not an
either-or trade-off, but rather there are a continuum of options governments
have pursued in transitional circumstances. In this volume, Sriram explores the
factors making accountability for past human rights abuses more or less viable
in transitional situations. Offering a comparative survey of twenty-six
transitional experiences and detailed case studies of El Salvador, Honduras,
Argentina, South Africa, and Sri Lanka, it highlights three factors, which
influence the degree of accountability achieved: external influence, the balance
of forces amongst former opponents, and the nature and scope of the abuses of
the past. It also explores the trade-offs of choosing various mechanisms. She
finds that the first two factors are much more important than the third.
Although anecdotal evidence suggests the nature and extent of past abuses is
significant, logic often points in contradictory directions as to its expected
effect. For those committed to the pursuit of justice, her case studies do
reveal that prosecution are more frequent than one would assume and frequently
in combination with other transitional justice mechanisms.
The Salvadoran case study has a useful background on the negotiation of the
peace accords there. It provides a discussion of the Salvadoran Commission on
the Truth and the Ad Hoc Commission and a scorecard of the mixed record of
implementing their recommendations. Although both sides of the conflict bound
themselves to the peace accords, they have not always lived up to their
commitments. Both the military and the government reacted negatively to the
report by the truth commission, which was made up entirely of foreigners, and a
blanket amnesty was soon passed. Yet, as Sriram discusses, there has been some
progress on implementing some of its recommendations, in particular after US
pressure grew. For her broader argument, the case study illustrates the
importance of hurting stalemates and US pressure in bringing the sides to the
negotiating table. She argues also that, while full accounting of the past was
not achieved, other reforms were enacted that may minimize the possibility of a
recurrence of past crimes.
In Argentina in 1983, the new democratically elected President Alfonsin faced
significant demands for accountability from human rights groups like the Mothers
of the Plaza de Mayo. Soon, the government was caught between a nervous military
and an increasingly activist judiciary. The case study traces the work of the
Argentine truth commission (CONADEP) and efforts to prosecute former junta
leaders. The Falklands/Malvinas defeat provided a window of opportunity, but the
military was able to significantly reverse steps toward accountability,
essentially reversing efforts at prosecution. At the same time, she shows that
some accounting was achieved through the truth commission and some reforms have
been achieved. The case is interesting not least because it represents a country
grappling with accountability issues almost entirely free of external
influence.
Honduras proves an interesting case in which attempts have been made to reach
some form of accountability for past abuses where there is an absence of
significant opposition, which would be expected to press for such measures.
Although the military remained strong, the changing international environment
cost it external support and brought greater scrutiny. Despite an amnesty and
non-cooperation on the part of the military, some success has been achieved. A
national commissioner for human rights was created, which issued a strong report
on past crimes. There have been some prosecutions and the military and police
forces have been separated. In this case, external actors have also played
little role, except negative in the form of US support of the Honduran military
during the Cold War. Sriram also argues that the relatively small number of
disappearances may also have made it possible to achieve greater accountability
than might otherwise have been possible.
In South Africa, international factors played much more of an enabling role
both in the global anti-apartheid movement and the changing dynamics of the end
of the Cold War. The outgoing National Party apartheid government still retained
sufficient power to at least in part control its own destiny. Many civil
servants were protected from purges and an amnesty was negotiated. The
interesting innovation of the South African case was that amnesty was
individualized and made conditional on a full confession to the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. Thus, prosecution was foregone against those who
confessed. However, significant reform of the security forces has been achieved
and their make up has become more racially balanced.
Finally, Sri Lanka provides a different sort of interesting case. Most
significantly, efforts at accountability have emerged in the absence of a
transition. Sri Lanka has remained ostensibly a democracy throughout its history
of human rights abuses, which stem largely from ethnic conflict. In fact, unlike
the Latin American cases, the Sri Lankan military has no history of political
involvement. What is more, the case diverges from the others in that external
influence has come largely through the regional hegemon, India. The government
has created a truth commission (actually three regional commissions that took
very different forms) and has pursued a number of high profile trials. However,
the exigencies of fighting a civil war have minimized the desire on the part of
the civilian government to hold the armed forces accountable or to make
significant institutional reforms.
|