Article Summary of "Social-Psychological Dimensions of
International Conflict" by Herbert C. Kelman
Citation: Herbert C. Kelman, "Social-Psychological Dimensions of International Conflict" Peacemaking in International Conflict: Methods and Techniques, eds. I. William Zartman and J. Lewis Rasmussen, Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1997, pp. 191-238.
This Article Summary written by: Conflict Research Consortium Staff
A social-psychological analysis is a necessary component of any
general theory of international relations. Kelman outlines a
social-psychological view of the nature of international conflict. He
describes the social and psychological dynamics that tend to escalate
conflict. Resolving conflicts requires reversing those dynamics.
Social psychology offers four theses about the nature of
international conflicts, each of which expands significantly on traditional
views on international relations. First, conflict is driven by people's
collective fears and needs, and not solely by rational calculations of
interest. Basic needs include issues of identity and security, and are
often perceived in terms of survival. The threat that basic needs will not
be met gives rise to existential fear. Such fear inhibits conflict
resolution. For the parties, making concessions, or even reducing the
intensity of their fighting, can seem to endanger their very survival.
Effective conflict resolutions must address both sides' basic needs, and
reassure their fears. Such resolutions must penetrate to the level of
individuals.
Second, international conflict is not a purely interstate or
intergovernmental phenomenon; it is an intersocial phenomenon.
International conflicts affect societies at all levels: economic, political,
cultural, psychological and structural. Political actors must respond both
to their international opponents, and to various factions within their own
society. Extremist factions can block opportunities for resolution, while
moderate factions can create opportunities. Coalitions between factions
across conflict lines can foster resolution. Settlements that focus on the
official, political level many fail to address the wider social aspects of
conflict, and so fail to fully resolve the conflict.
Third, international conflict involves the mutual exercise
of influence on many levels. They are not simply contests of coercive
power. Kelman observes that "responsiveness to the other's needs and fears is a
fairly common form of influence in normal social relations."(p. 203) Use
of threats and coercion can prompt similar retaliation and escalate
conflict. More effective, positive incentives include "economic benefits,
sharing essential resources, international approval, integration in regional or
global institutions, or a general reduction in the level of tension."(p.
202) Effective resolution strategies must include the element of mutual
reassurance, in the form of symbolic gestures, acknowledgements, or other
confidence-building measures. A systematic strategy of responsiveness and
reciprocity can transform the parties' relationship and their definition of the
conflict in beneficial ways.
Fourth, conflicts are not merely a series of actions and
reactions deployed by stable actors. International conflicts display an
interactive, escalatory, self-perpetuating dynamic that affects both the
situation and the parties. Conflict causes certain cognitive and
perceptual biases, which in turn tend to increase and perpetuate conflict,
creating a viscous cycle of escalation.
Two types of social-psychological processes contribute to
conflict escalation: normative and perceptual. Normative processes involve
social factors that encourage conflict behavior. Pervasive existential
fears about national survival and identity supports conflict escalation.
Moves toward deescalation or resolution are seen as dangerously risky.
Pervasive existential fear can also lead to extreme violence in the name of
self-defense. By drawing on people's needs for security and
self-transcendence, leaders may mobilize intense group loyalty, which produces
overzealous adherence to conflict norms in the name of demonstrating group
loyalty. Moves toward deescalation or conciliation are seen as weak and
disloyal, or even treasonous.
Normative processes also limit the options available for
consideration by decision-makers, who must worry about being ousted by
"stronger," more extreme, leaders. Decision-makers tend to make choices
based on the ready availability of resources for carrying out those
choices. In a protracted conflict, resources for conflict tend to be most
readily available. Decision-makers may succumb to groupthink, when, "in
order to maintain the cohesiveness of the group, the members studiously avoid
any actions that might break the evolving consensus. Thus, they are
reluctant to raise questions, offer criticisms, and propose different approaches
or solutions to the problem."(p. 219)
Normative factors affect negotiation processes.
Conflict norms pressure negotiators toward a zero sum view of the dispute; gains
for another must entail losses for you. Fear of appearing weak also makes
negotiators unwilling to compromise. Kelman observes that "conflict
creates certain structural and psychological commitments, which then take on a
life of their own."(p. 221) Parties with economic or identity interests
vested in the conflict may be committed to maintaining the conflict status
quo. Others may be committed to forestalling a compromise
settlement. People may have incorporated the conflict into their basic
worldview.
Perceptual processes refer to cognitive process for
interpreting conflict-related information. Conflict makes it difficult to take
the other's perspective, and hence views of the other tend to be self-centered.
Parties in conflict tend to develop mirror images of self and other. Each
party views itself as good and peaceful, fighting in self-defense, while the
other side is inherently evil and aggressive. Moreover, each side assumes
that the other sees them as they see themselves. For instance, each side
assumes that the other will recognize their actions are simply defensive, while
the other in fact sees them as aggressive. These misunderstandings lead to
further escalation. Conflict images are very resistant to
disconfirmation. Through selective exposure, selective perception and
selective recall parties avoid noticing disconfirming information.
Inconsistent information may be explained away in ways that reconfirm the
original image.
Kelman notes that the social-psychological approach cannot
give a sufficient, comprehensive theory of international conflict. It can,
however, offer a new perspective, new insights, and suggest new techniques for
understanding and managing international conflict.
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