Article Summary of "Justice in Times of Transition" by Mary Albon
Citation: "Project on Justice in Times of Transition: Report of the Project's Inaugural Meeting," in Transitional Justice, ed. Neil J. Kritz, (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1995) pp. 42-54.
This Article Summary written by: Tanya Glaser, Conflict Research Consortium
In recent times a number of totalitarian regimes have collapsed or been overthrown, and
have been replaced by more democratic governments. These new governments are then faced
with issues of transitional justice. Transitional justice refers to the new government's
attempts to address injustices perpetrated under the old regime. New governments must
decide how and to what extent past injustices should be acknowledged. They must also
decide who should be held accountable for past injustices, or whether anyone should be
held accountable.
In addition to issues of transitional justice, new democracies face a number of
challenges. The new government often faces a situation where civil society is virtually
absent, having been destroyed by years of repression. There may be little public
understanding of democratic principles, such as the rule of law. The civilian government
may be faced with a powerful and possibly antagonistic military, and with severe economic
problems.
New democracies face three specific challenges in making a just transition from the old
regime. The new government must decide what to do with members of the old ruling elite.
They must decide what to do with lower-level officials in the old regime. And they must
decide how to respond to public frustration with the speed or extent of transitional
justice.
New democracies have three basic options open to them. They may ignore past injustices,
granting amnesty and "starting fresh." They may attempt to uncover and punish
all the crimes of the old regime. This is often not practically possible. Or they may
selectively prosecute certain crimes, the particularly heinous or well-documented crimes,
for example.
First, new governments may choose to acknowledge past injustices, or to forget them.
Conference attendees gave three reasons for acknowledging past injustices. Acknowledging
past abuses recognizes the dignity of the victims, and is the first step in seeking
justice for them. Acknowledging past crimes is also the necessary first step toward
national reconciliation. In addition, publicizing past crimes may serve to deter future
crimes. Making restitution to the victims can be a particularly potent form of
acknowledgment.
Many people oppose amnesty on the grounds that it deprives victims of their right to
justice. However, many countries, such as Uruguay and Spain, have chosen to
"forget" past crimes through general amnesty. Countries may grant general
amnesty in order to avoid provoking rebellion from a still-powerful military, and to
promote national reconciliation, as in Uruguay. When supporters of both the old regime and
the new order have committed human rights abuses, a general amnesty for both sides may
allow the nation to break from its past conflicts move forward. This has been the case in
Spain.
If the new government chooses to acknowledge past crimes, it must next decide whether
and how to hold the responsible parties accountable for those crimes. The main reason to
prosecute past crimes is to punish criminals and dignify the victims. Prosecutions can
also help to reunify society, and establish a common moral reality. Prosecution through
legitimate channels may prevent outbreaks of vigilante justice.
The decision to prosecute is often influenced by the speed of the transition in
governments. New governments are less likely to seek prosecution when the transition was
gradual. One participant observed the degree of complicity with the repression was a
significant factor in later decisions to seek prosecution, explaining that "those who
resisted the least, both among countries and within countries, tend to be the most eager
to prosecute."[p. 46] New governments may be motivated to prosecute former leaders in
order to fix the blame for current problems firmly on those past leaders. The decision to
prosecute past crimes may also depend on the capacity of the judicial system, and the
extent to which it was corrupted by the old regime.
New governments also face legal problems in prosecuting past crimes. It may be
difficult to maintain the legal presumption of innocence in the face of public demands for
vengeance. They may be tempted to prosecute individuals for acts which, while immoral,
were not illegal under the old regime. Prosecution may become a political tool, used
selectively against political opponents. The new government will also need to decide where
in the hierarchy of command to focus their attention. Who should be prosecuted: the person
who gave the order or the subordinate who carried it out?
The cases of Hungary and Germany illustrate some of the legal difficulties in
prosecuting old crimes. Hungary attempted to suspend the statute of limitations in order
to prosecute crimes of murder and treason committed under the old regime. However,
Hungary's constitutional court struck down the suspension, arguing that it was more
important to preserve the basic principles of rule of law that to address past political
injustice. Germany has generally not prosecuted abuses from the old East German regime.
Many abuses were not illegal under East German law, and West Germany's constitution
forbids retroactive criminal legislation.
Albon argues that the international community should pressure states to prosecute human
rights violations. "The point of international human rights law is to oblige states
to protect the rights of their citizens; if a state does not punish those who violate
human rights...it is failing in its duties as a government." International support
for such prosecutions may also help to empower new democracies to pursue such
prosecutions.
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